Since ancient times, women leaders have ruled powerful empires as hereditary monarchs. However, it was not until 1960 that the first woman appointed head of state, Sirivamo Bandaranaike of Sri Lanka, assumed the position of head of state. In 1974, after the death of Argentine President Juan Perón, Isabel Perón was secretly sworn in as the next president. She became the first female executive to hold a senior position in history. Since then, it has become common for more and more women to be nominated and elected as leaders of their countries. As of August 2017, seventeen women held influential positions. Women have been selected or appointed as heads of state in powerful countries such as India, the United Kingdom, Chile and Germany. These female prime ministers and presidents had active control over vast populations, respect for their people, robust economies and nuclear weapons. Although the number of female leaders continues to grow, the list remains relatively short, and even those who do manage to gain power only serve for a limited time. Something discourages women from holding executive political positions, but a few, like Benazir Bhutto and Ellen Sirleaf, have succeeded. Political careers, contexts of instability, political structures, family ties and opposition politics have gendered implications for female politicians who rise to power. Say no to plagiarism. Get a tailor-made essay on “Why Violent Video Games Should Not Be Banned”? Get the original essay Women leaders assume power through strong family ties to former national leaders. Normally, these women come from influential families (patriarch). They still live in cultural environments where politics is fair family, family and kinship are the basis of political identity, and where the family, unlike the individual, is powerful. Women learn to act as political leaders by observing their parents' behavior and being exposed to politics from a young age. The transmission of power between generations is facilitated by political socialization. Additionally, people develop trust and support when they come from recognizable families. Women leaders with strong family ties have their achievements in power attributed to men in their family background. Additionally, gaining power by following a traditional gender role makes them less threatening to the gender of politics as a male domain. Gender affects how women in political dynasties gain power and how they are perceived as political leaders. Women who, after marrying a martyred leader, take office are seen as less threatening to the current political system and are seen as substitutes for their counterparts. These women are following in their husbands' footsteps during the campaign and showing themselves as a progression of his excellent leadership. They act on their behalf and are supposed to have the same political positions and opinions as those of their husbands. Women are more attractive and suitable "heirs" than male relatives because they do not seem to challenge the status quo and are natural substitutes for their husbands, without being driven by self-interest. They occupy few positions of power because they only intervene for a short period and are controlled by men, out of sight of the general public. However, Piper Hodson says women must deal with their family ties before they canassume leadership. Only politicians who can properly use a widow's "legacy", such as name recognition, symbolism and patrician status, turn out to be leaders. Men also gain powerful positions by being part of political dynasties. Kiamba31 emphasizes that political family dynasties are not limited to women succeeding their fathers or husbands. Part of a four-generation political dynasty, Indira Gandhi's son succeeded her. According to Jalalzai, women with family ties should not be seen as inexperienced in politics. She recognizes that political dynasty systems provide reasonable grounds for men, particularly in countries where women gain office. However, she points out that political regimes may be the only option available for women to become leaders in some states. Women also gain office through political ascension. By participating in a political party for a period of time, leaders make a name for themselves. Political climbers do not enter politics intending to occupy influential positions simply because they lack a precedent for women reaching executive office. Instead, they typically assume executive positions after it has been requested or proposed by party leaders. Sometimes, they are motivated by the divisions observed within political parties. Furthermore, controversies or scandals within parties provide golden opportunities for women to enter politics. At these events, leaders of different parties support women because they show a change from past practices and a new, more current political initiative. Much like family ties, political climbers are more likely to be controlled by men or hold temporary positions in their parties. . However, Adler argues that female leaders whose careers are linked to those of their male counterparts should most likely be held accountable for their achievements and success. Climbing political positions adds credibility to them among their colleagues. Political climbers have a high chance of reaching executive positions in Parliament instead of presidential terms that offer women leaders fewer top positions. A political activist or foreigner gains power thanks to the support of an external organization. They manage them through opposition policies or social movements. Rhode posits that these candidates attribute their qualifications for management positions to their lack of experience. And because it ignores dirty, corrupt politics and innocence, the “outsider” will eradicate this kind of politics. The leaders can use this stranger for their benefit. They are interpreted as being less likely to abuse power and not tainted by corruption. Women being political activists can signify a break with previous regimes in inter-party affairs, controversies or scandals. Furthermore, female politicians benefit from outsider status simply because they are women. This is because they challenge gender biases regarding leaders. Regional differences and political instability are some of the national factors that influence women's path to public office. The political structure, culture and climate of certain regions can provide viable grounds for women to gain power. Substantial political rights could be the main reason for increased participation ofwomen in European political countries compared to other regions. Hoogensen and Solheim, however, draw attention to the fact that women occupy positions in regions where the general status of women appears to be low. They argue that women in European countries have different reasons for entering politics compared to those in developing countries. No female leader in Europe has risen to power through family ties. In Asia, where the number of women in office is highest, women are socialized to lead because of the cultural importance of women's powerful ranks as religious icons and in families. Strange stereotypes depicting women as goddesses and mother figures can have both a positive and negative impact on women leaders in these countries. In Latin America, women gain political office by siding with their political parties on issues that oppose traditional women's rights. In some African regions, conflicts provide political opportunities for women. Women in the Middle East and Africa face oppressions linked to their regions due to the religions, cultures, and economies that dominate the politics of these regions. Although Oceania has a wide range of institutional and cultural networks, women have been able to rise to power in New Zealand and Australia through strong female activist networks. Women also rise to power in times of political instability or crisis. A poor leadership transition provides reasonable grounds for women leaders to receive support from voters opposed to the current political system. Good examples of leaders who took office through this channel include Ellen Johnson Sir Leaf, Lydia Guiler, Violeta Cheroma and Sylvie Kinigi. In times of crisis, women are seen as attractive to party leaders due to stereotypes that women will achieve consensus, bridge differences, and collaborate between and within political parties. Because women have little presence in national politics, they represent both reform and progress that lend credibility to a party seeking to separate itself from its previous periods of political instability. Women political leaders are pushed by various factors to enter politics. To begin with political and gender socialization, women acquire dispositions, skills and beliefs from childhood that prepare them for higher ranks. Parents act as influential role models by fostering a sense of patriotism, an interest in public affairs, and a commitment to community participation. Margret Thatcher is one such leader who rose to power through this means. Lessons about gender equality and inequality also motivate men and women to engage in politics. Interests in specific public policies motivate women to lead the office. Some learn from their parents how to pursue the same political and professional ambitions as men. In contrast, men are likely to be inspired by professional enthusiasm. Today, many female political leaders are college-educated, suggesting that educational attainment may contribute to women increasingly holding leadership positions. Recruitment and access to social networks push women to enter politics. Although Ellen Sirleaf began her government career through initiative, she benefited greatly from political recruitment and.